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Siddhi B. Ranjitkar: Understanding with Maoists27 March 2006
Understanding with Maoists By Siddhi B.Ranjitkar
"The fate ofhuman race depends on its moral strength."
- AlbertEinstein*
Communist Party of Nepal-UnitedMarxist-Leninist (CPN-UML) leader, Madhav Kumar Nepal andhis associates have been engaged in dialogue with theMaoists in the country and out of the country already forsome time. Mr. Nepal has visited Lucknow and New Delhiseveral times for talks with the Maoists in 2005. He evenonce went to Silgudi, India to meet with the Maoist leaders.So, he had courting the Maoists hoping to bring them to themainstream politics. Nepali Congress Leader, Girija PrasadKoirala also visited New Delhi ostensibly for routine healthcheck-ups but obviously for talks with the Maoist leadersseveral times in 2005.
The talks between the Maoistleaders and the seven-party alliance leaders were held inthe Indian government guesthouse in New Delhi in November2005. None of the leaders had been ready to accept the factof meeting with the leaders until they reached theunderstanding between the seven-party alliance and theMaoists, and was made public on November 22, 2005.
TheNepalese intelligence reported to the Crown Prince presidingover the Rajparishad (Privy Council) that Maoist leaderPrachand and his associates Dr. Babu Ram Bhattarai andKrishna Bahadur Mahara sneaked out of the Dang Valley fortalks with the leaders of the seven-party alliance in NewDelhi in November 2005.
Before making a surprise visit toNew Delhi in the third week of November within a week afterreturning from there, Mr. Madhav Kumar Nepal held a seriesof meetings with British Ambassador Keith Bloomfield,American Ambassador James Moriarty and Indian AmbassadorShiv Shankar Mukherjee in Kathmandu obviously in an effortto find a solution to the Nepal's continued politicalimpasse. Mr. Nepal visited New Delhi again less than a weekafter he returned from an extended three-week long tour ofIndia where he had met with several Indian leaders,including Prime Minister Manmohan Singh.
AmericanAmbassador James Moriarty was already there. He has beenactive in coordinating a uniform international approach tothe resolving the political problems in Nepal for some time.Mr. Moriarty said that his visit was a regular one forconsultations with the Indian officials concerning thepolitical development in Nepal. Mr. Madhav Kumar Nepalinsisted on that his visit was for a "heart check-up";Nepali Congress President and former Prime Minister, GirijaPrasad Koirala was already there also for a "healthcheck-up". Other leaders of the seven-party alliance went toNew Delhi on one pretext or another.
Nobody had any ideaof what the Indian Officials had played in holding the talksbetween the seven-party alliance leaders and the Maoistleaders and in bringing them to a common understanding. TheIndian Foreign Ministry denied any information about thelatest meetings. However, it was hard to believe in what theForeign Ministry said, as Nepalese leaders visiting NewDelhi was widely known to all through the Indian and theNepalese media.
The denial of the Indian officials of theknowledge of the Nepalese rebels visiting New Delhi musthave come from the legal difficulty as the Indian Governmenthad declared the Maoists as terrorists well before the NepalGovernment had done. India labeled the Maoists as"terrorists" in September 2001, when the Nepalese governmentwas engaged in peace talks with them. Even though, Maoistnegotiator, Krishna Bahadur Mahara traveled to Kathmandufrom Delhi to participate in peace talks in November2001.
A leading Indian security expert, General AshokMehta believed that the Indian intelligence must haveestablished links with the Nepalese Maoists at least twoyears ago. Speaking to the BBC, he once said, "incircumstances as that of the Maoists, (the Indian)Government strategy is implemented through intelligenceagencies and not the official channels".
Indian ForeignSecretary Shyam Saran avoided any direct reference to aspeculative link between the Indian intelligence and theMaoists. He said that the Indian government was engaged indialogue with all key political actors of Nepal, but did notmention the Maoists.
Through the state-run media, thesupporters of the king have been portraying the leadersrushing to Delhi for political settlement in Nepal asanti-nationals, and the Delhi-understanding between theseven-party alliance and the Maoists as illegal accord.
The translated text of the 12-point understanding reachedbetween the Maoists and the seven-party alliance publishedby the Maoists in the Nepali language is as follow: [1]
Communist Party of Nepal(Maoist)
Central Committee
Press Release
On behalf ofour party, I make public this press release on theunderstanding reached between the CPN (Maoists) and theseven-party alliance engaged in the struggle against theautocratic monarchy:
Understanding reached
Thestruggle between democracy and the autocratic monarchycontinuing in Nepal for a long time has reached at the veryserious and new turn. Today's need is to set up peace endingthe armed conflict continuing for the last ten years througha forward-looking political breakthrough. Therefore, it hasbeen indispensable to implement the concept of absolutedemocracy reorganizing the state for resolving thepolitical, economical, social, cultural, class, caste,gender and regional problems by ending the autocraticmonarchy and setting up absolute democracy. In the contextof this situation existing in the country, we make publicthe following understanding reached between the CPN(Maoists) and the seven parliamentary parties.
Clauses ofunderstanding
1. Currently, the main wish of the Nepalesepeople is democracy, peace, and prosperity, socialadvancement, an independent, and sovereign Nepal. We havefully agreed on that the main obstacle to this end is theautocratic monarchy. Our clear belief is that there is nopossibility of having peace, progress and prosperity in thecountry without establishing absolute democracy by endingthe autocratic monarchy. Therefore, we have reached anunderstanding that all anti-autocratic-monarchy forces willhit the autocratic monarchy from their respective positionsby setting off the nationwide democratic movement for endingthe autocratic monarchy and establishing absolutedemocracy.
2. The seven-party alliance engaged in themovement against regression is fully committed to the factthat sovereignty and state power could be fully transfer tothe people, and the conflict could be ended by establishingabsolute democracy in the country through holding electionsfor a Constituent Assembly based on the talks and agreementwith the Maoists, and they are also committed to restore theparliament through the power of the people's movement, andthen set up an all-party government based on its decision.The CPN (Maoist) has the belief and the commitment toachieve the goal of holding a national political conventionof all democratic forces engaged in the movement against theregression, and of setting up an interim government based onits decision, and then of going for a Constituent Assemblyelection. We have an understanding that the seven-partyalliance and the CPN (Maoist) will continue dialogue forreaching a consensus on the procedural matters. There is anunderstanding between us that the power of the people'smovement is the only alternative to achieve this goal.
3.Currently, the country needs a positive solution of thearmed conflict and a lasting peace. Therefore, we aredetermined to set up a lasting peace by ending theongoing-armed conflict in the country through theforward-looking political resolution in favor of setting upabsolute democracy, and to end the autocratic monarchy andthen to hold elections for a Constitution Assembly thatcomes thereafter following the procedure. The CPN (Maoist)is committed to move ahead in the peaceful new politicalcurrent through this process. In this context, there hasbeen an understanding to keep the Maoists' armed forces andthe Royal Nepal Army under the supervision of the UN or anyother reliable international agency during the elections fora Constituent Assembly for holding free and fair elections,and to accept the results of such elections after thetermination of the autocratic monarchy. We even expect tohave the involvement of a reliable international agency inthe process of our dialogue.
4. As an institution, the CPN(Maoist) makes public its commitment to the democraticvalues and ideals such as competitive multi-party system ofgovernance, civil liberties, human rights, concept of therule of law, fundamental rights and so on with clarity, andto move forward its activities accordingly.
5. The CPN(Maoist) has committed to create an environment conducive tothe leaders and cadres of democratic parties and otherpeople displaced during the armed conflict to return totheir respective places, and settle there with honor, to getback their unjustly seized properties and assets, and topractice the political activities without hindrance.
6.The CPN (Maoist) has committed to self-review theshortcomings and the mistakes made in the past, and makeself-criticism of them, and not to repeat such things in thefuture.
7. Self-reviewing the shortcomings and mistakesmade in the past while in the parliament and in thegovernment, the seven-party alliance has committed not torepeat such shortcomings and mistakes in the future.
8.In the context of moving forward the peace process, we havecommitted to fully honor the values and ideals of humanrights, to move forward based on these principles, and tohonor the media freedom.
9. Declaration of municipalelections and the talk of parliamentary polls are a ploy toconfuse the people and the international community, and donewith the deceitful objective of legitimizing theillegitimate and autocratic rule of the king. We call uponall the people to make such elections unsuccessful, and wedeclare that we will actively boycott these polls in ourrespective manner.
10. The people and representativepolitical parties are the real guards of nationalism.Therefore, we are fully committed to the independence of thecountry, and its sovereignty, and to safeguard theterritorial integrity, and the national unity. Our commonduty is to maintain friendly relations with all countries,and good neighborly relations particularly with theneighboring countries such as India and China based on theprinciples of peaceful co-existence. We urge all patrioticpeople to be on the alert against the deceitful efforts ofthe king and royalists 'Mandale' to raise question about thepatriotism of the political parties, and to claim for theirpatriotism confusing the patriotic people for preservingtheir autocratic and illegal rule, and we appeal to theinternational powers and people for supporting ourdemocratic movement against the autocratic monarchy by anypossible means.
11. We reached the understandingbetween us focusing on democracy, peace, prosperity,complete social change, and independence, sovereignty andself-esteem of the country. Based on this understanding weare launching a peaceful people's movement. In order to makeit successful, we heartily call upon civic society,professional community, class organizations andassociations, people of all castes and professions, mediapeople, intellectuals and the entire Nepalese community toactively participate in it.
12. Regarding the pastinappropriate behavior of the parties, our common commitmentis to conduct investigation into the complaints of thespecific party and into the incidents demanded forinvestigation, and if found anyone guilty, will take actionsagainst such a guilty person, and make it public. We havereached an understanding that from now on problems croppedup among the parties shall be resolved at the concernedlevel or at the leadership level through a dialogue.
November 22, 2005
signature
Prachand
Chairman
CPN(Maoists)
Central Committee
OnNovember 22, 2005, after making the understanding reachedbetween the seven-party alliance and the Maoists public,President of the Nepal Congress, Girija Prasad Koirala saidthat the seven parties only reached an understanding withthe rebels and no alliance had been formed with the Maoists.
The seven-party alliance was forged to protest the king'sdirect rule that restricted political activities, anddismantled all democratic institutions created during theyears of democratic system of governance, and curbed theNepalese media.
Political parties had agreed to a keyMaoist demand for holding elections to a ConstituentAssembly for formulating a new constitution. The Maoists didnot recognize the Constitution of 1990 prepared by therepresentatives of the political parties and the monarch.So, they have been insisting on holding elections for aConstituent Assembly for framing a new constitution.
Thewriting of a new constitution by the elected ConstituentAssembly would effectively decide the fate of the monarchy.So, the king would never accept such elections. Therefore,the seven-party alliance and the Maoists might need to gohead-on collision with the monarchy for settlement of thepolitical crisis.
So, it is not surprising that the king'sgovernment condemned the understanding reached between theseven-party alliance and the Maoists. On November 23, 2005,on arrival at the Kathmandu airport from Malaysia, speakingto the reporters, the then-Minister for Information andCommunications, Tanka Dhakal said, "It will be a greatunfortunate if the efforts are made to establish peacethrough an unpractical alliance. For the government, such amove is highly unacceptable. If that alliance turned into analliance of selfish interest or an unnatural alliance, itwould be unfortunate for the country. Political allianceshould be natural, meaningful and based on truth but thealliance guided by self-interest cannot yield a positiveoutcome." [2]
OnWednesday, November 23, 2005, the then-Minister forInformation and Communications Tanka Dhakal issued a strongwarning against the so-called alliance between the politicalparties and the terrorists saying that such an unnaturalalliance will pose as big obstacle to restoring a lastingpeace in the country. In a reply to the much-talked aboutconstituent assembly, Minister Dhakal gave an example offormer Soviet Union where the Bolsheviks dismissed theresults of elections of constituent assembly immediatelyafter the polls went against their interest. "Thus, there isno guarantee of the solution of the problem through theelection of such assembly." Minister Dhakal noted that thecountry was on the right track so as to achieve a lastingpeace after the king's move of February 1, 2005. "We arerealizing a congenial atmosphere that is opening horizon ofpeace." [3]
OnWednesday, November 23, 2005, spokesperson for the USEmbassy in Kathmandu, Robert Hugins said, "The US isreviewing the document of agreement through political anddiplomatic channels." He said that the US cautiouslywelcomed the new political understanding reached between themainstream parties and the Maoists; the understandingunderlined the urgency for the royal palace to reach out tothe parties and achieve common understanding to restoredemocracy and peace in the country. He also reiterated thatthe Maoists should shun violence and join the politicalmainstream. [4]
Indiaalso cautiously reacted to the 12-point understandingreached between the seven-party alliance and the Maoists.The Indian External Ministry official in New Delhi said, "Wehave seen newspaper reports about an understanding betweenMaoists and political parties in Nepal for the restorationof multi-party democracy and return to political normalcy.It has all along been the position taken by the Governmentof India that there is no pure military solution to thechallenges facing Nepal, including the Maoist insurgency.India has, on the one hand, urged the institution ofmonarchy to work together with political parties, and on theother, called upon Maoists to abandon the path of violence,accept the discipline of multi-party democracy and work fora political settlement that contributes to politicalstability and economic prosperity of Nepal." [5]
UN SecretaryGeneral, Kofi Annan welcomed the move by the rebels and theopposition alliance and remained ready to assist in anymanner that would help bring about a peaceful solution tothe conflict. He is studying the understanding reachedbetween the two sides. Secretary General Annan called on therebels to extend a three-month cease-fire that expires onDecember 2, 2005, and asked the King Gyanendra's governmentto introduce a reciprocal truce. [6]
On November 22,2005, Nepal Civil Society welcomed the understanding reachedbetween the seven-party alliance and the Maoists.Professional Alliance for Peace and Democracy (PAPAD),Federation of Nepalese Journalists (FNJ), TribhuvanUniversity Teachers' Association, Citizen's Solidarity forPeace, Nepal Press Union, Human Rights and Peace Society andNepal Student Forum welcomed the understanding reachedbetween the Maoists and the seven-party alliance.
Someindividuals expressed their views on the understandingreached between the seven-party alliance and the Maoists.Senior political analyst Prof. Lok Raj Baral said that thenew approach to the political resolution was a triumph fordemocracy, and the commitment of the Maoists to multi-partydemocracy was very optimistic. Leader of the civic movementopposing the absolute rule of the king, Dr. Devendra RajPandey said that the understanding between the seven-partyalliance and the Maoists was a victory for the Nepalesepeople. The editor of Himal - South Asian magazine, KanakMani Dixit, told the BBC that the Maoists should be given achance and they should be "tested - if not trusted." [7]
Similarly, anotherpolitical analyst Krishna Khanal said the understanding wasa positive breakthrough and the road was open to ending theongoing political impasse. Much would depend on how thestate would respond to it. Previously, the Maoists wereengaged in armed insurgency and the parties were fightingfor democracy through peaceful means. But now the two forceshave come together making democracy their common agenda.Since Maoists have pledged their support for democracy, thecountry would face dire consequences if they continued theirarmed struggle for the same cause.
General Secretary tothe human rights organization INSEC, Kundan Aryal, said thatthe Maoists had been fighting for a communist republic, nowthey have shown willingness for restoring peace anddemocracy. This flexibility shown by them must be welcomed.Now the ball is in the King's court. He should respond forpeaceful and amicable negotiations. The King in his variousspeeches had been defending his February-1 takeover sayinghe needed executive power to fight the insurgency; now theparties-Maoists understanding have weakened the King'sstance.
The then-spokesperson for the Rastriya PrajatantraParty, Roshan Karki said, "Nowhere in the world has peacebeen restored with agreement between political forces andrebels. But the initiative taken for peace process ispositive."
The 12-point agreement reached between theseven-party alliance and the Maoists is an unprecedented andremarkable effort to establish a lasting peace, 'TheKathmandu Post' editorial wrote. The parliamentary forcesand the Maoists have displayed political acumen to resolvethe conflict. Hence, we call upon all the pro-democraticforces, the international community, and all nationalistNepalis to welcome this agreement, and contribute from theirlevel best to implement it successfully to provide apeaceful and prosperous future for our young generation. [8]
On Wednesday,November 23, 2005, returning from South Africa upon arrivalat the Kathmandu airport, Foreign Minister Ramesh NathPandey said that a peace initiative by any party should bewelcomed and was a matter of pleasure but it should nothappen at the behest of foreigners. He also insisted on thatany kind of understanding should be on the basis ofnationalism. [9]
OnNovember 24, 2005, Professor of politics at the TribhuvanUniversity, Mr. Kapil Shrestha said, "The accord representsa critical polarization of political forces against theautocratic monarchy for restoration of full-fledgeddemocracy. The king could lose totally as a result of thisaccord if he fails to handle the situation cautiously andwisely." [10]
OnNovember 24, 2005, the state-run newspaper 'The RisingNepal' reported that the alliance between the Maoists andpolitical parties was unholy and would be counterproductiveif not corrected on time according to the politicalanalysts.
Speaking at the Media Group Nepal, Former Chiefof the Army Staff of the Royal Nepalese Army and Member ofthe Raj Parishad (Privy Council) Standing Committee, SatchitShumsher Rana said that the parties should be taken asaccomplices of terrorism for forming alliance with theterrorists and should be dealt with pursuant to thecountry s law. The agreement between the terrorists and theparties could be the result of their meeting in Delhi but itwould not produce any fruitful result. People weredisheartened to see the points of agreements where theterrorists have prevailed over the parties. There was nomention of arms management, cease-fire or any other pointthat would bring relief to the people. The unholy alliancebetween the two groups - one discarded by the people whilethe other chose to live in the jungle was only directedtowards power politics. The king would go for a constituentassembly if the people demanded for it, not at the call of asection or group. He accused the parties of not letting theking to follow democratic course, and said that it was theparties that restrained the repeated calls of the king tojoin the government. The parties labeled the king as anautocratic. If the king were taking autocratic recourse thenhe would not have declared elections. [11]
General Secretaryof Prajatantrik Janamukti Party, Gore Bahadur Khapangi saidthat the parties had become puppets of the Maoists becauseof the understanding reached between them, and sacrificedtheir ethics and democratic culture by making an equationwith the terrorists.
Rastriya Prajatantra Party leader,Bhuwan Pathak said that the agreement was the outcome ofweak mentality and immaturity of the parties. Theparliamentary parties had issued a red-corner notice anddeclared the Maoists as the terrorists when they were in thegovernment but they were joining hands with the same groupwhen they were on the street. The parties spoilt theopportunity of the Maoists joining the mainstream politicsand improving the situation of peace and order by reachingthe understanding with the Maoists.
President of SamataParty (Socialist) Nepal, Daya Nanda Thapa said that theparties agreed to put the armed rebels at par with thecountry s army was unacceptable in every sense. The partiesignored the call of the king but joined the terrorists notworking by their own conscience but under the influence ofexternal forces
Rastriya Prajatantra Party leader, KamalThapa expressed concern over the understanding reachedbetween the seven-party alliance and the Maoists. He said itfurther complicated the peace process. There were no changesin the Maoist stand. The parliamentary parties had gone intoideological digression, particularly the Nepali Congress. Itwas trapped in the extreme left movement. The governmentwould not easily accept the understanding and had no rightto do so as well. It would only intensify violence andconflict. Referring to the understanding that talked aboutputting the Royal Nepalese Army and the Maoists' militiaunder the UN supervision, he said it was a ridiculousconcept and it only showed the impoverished mentality of theparties. [12]
Theunderstanding reached between the Nepal's Maoist rebels andits major opposition political parties signified a hugeshift of their policies toward the monarchy. Since theFebruary royal coup, the major opposition parties have cometo see the king as a part of the problem, rather than thesolution to Nepal's many ills. The 12-point common agendasuggested the possibility of some major shifts in theirposition on the monarchy. It did not even mention the word'republic'. It talked only about ending the "autocratic"monarchy. That clearly implied the acceptance of aceremonial, or constitutional monarchy. The Maoists pledgednot to engage in violence if their demand for the electionfor a constituent assembly to chart a fresh political coursefor Nepal was met. They have not decided to surrender theirarms but have agreed to place them under the supervision ofa credible international force during such an election. Theopposition parties have now for the first time agreed amongthemselves on the need for a constituent assembly. Theinternational community seemed to be cautiously positiveabout the understanding. The Nepalese government has notformally responded. Senior ministers have been cynical aboutthe deal, which they are saying was reached at the "behestof the foreigners". That was a veiled reference to recentclandestine meetings in India between the Maoists and theopposition party leaders as well as meetings between theparty leaders and foreign diplomats in Kathmandu. If what isin the joint program can be taken as representing the goodfaith of the rebels, then it is indeed an historicagreement. The rebels, who have been arguably waging themost successful Maoist insurgency in the world in recentdecades, have clearly stated that they are ready to acceptmulti-party democracy. Moreover, they have given indicationsthat they would accept some form of non-autocratic monarchy.However, the past 10 years indicate that the rebels cannotbe relied on to keep their word, says the editor of thePeople's Review weekly, Pushkar Raj Pradhan. "Every timethey have been in a win-win situation and through out allthese years they have very successfully played oneconstitutional force against another." Time will tell ifthat caution is justified. But what cannot be denied is thatNepal's tri-polar power struggle between the king, theparliamentary political parties and the Maoists seems to benow turning into a bi-polar one. The opposition parties andthe Maoists are not using the word 'alliance'. But they haveagreed to "attack the autocratic monarchy" from their ownpositions. The Maoists have also agreed to allow politicalparties to conduct their activities without intimidation orviolence. Now the ball is in the king's court. The agreementgives the king both a warning and room for compromise. If hedoes not compromise, then this week's deal could well turninto a more concrete alliance. That would be a seriousthreat to the institution of the monarchy itself, as thereis a growing feeling both within and outside the countrythat the monarchy is becoming an impediment to democracy inNepal. However, the agreement also suggests the Maoists areprepared for a massive climb-down in their insistence on theabolition of the monarchy. The recent raucous criticisms ofthe king by the political parties are also absent in theagreement. At this stage, some argue that the king could notask for more from the Maoists or the political parties. Somealso think that the softening of positions on the questionof the monarchy could not have come without a hint from theking's side that he too would be ready to compromise if thechallenge to the throne were withdrawn. However, there areothers who think such softening of positions was a result ofthe realization that the country's current conflict cannotbe resolved without compromise. The king has been dismissiveto all the national and international reactions during hispast 10 months of direct rule. Does that mean he will givethe thumbs down to the deal between the rebels and thepolitical opposition? [13]
In its officialreaction to the 12-point agreement reached between the sevenparties and the Maoists, the government rejected the callfor holding elections for a constituent assembly butinsisted on holding municipal elections in February 2006. Ina press statement issued on Thursday, November 24, 2005, thethen-Minister for Information and Communications and thespokesman for the government, Tanka Dhakal said that thegovernment was moving ahead with the restoration of peace inthe country. Minister Dhakal said, "The government sattention has been drawn towards the understanding said tohave been reached between the seven political parties andMaoist terrorists as has come out in the media. HisMajesty s Government is resolutely committed to conducting afree and fair election as per the directives of the King andin maintaining peace in the country." [14]
A US-basedthink-tank called Nepalese Americas Council (NAC) [15] welcomed the 12-pointunderstanding reached between seven-party alliance and theCPN (Maoist), and urged King Gyanendra to immediately takesteps to restore multi-party democracy in the country. In astatement issued on Thursday, November 24, 2005, NAC and itsmember organizations welcomed the deal saying, "It is apositive sign for peace, and restoration of democracy andhuman rights in Nepal. We commend all the involved partiesfor their pledge to reestablish democracy in Nepal and tobring the long overdue peace in the country. We also welcomethe acknowledgement of past mistakes by Maoists and thepolitical parties, and their vow to learn from them.Rebuilding trust will take time. But we sincerely hope thatthese reconciliation efforts progress to the point where averifiable disarmament is overseen by a credibleinternational agency." The statement signed by president ofthe Council, Dr. Jeet Joshee further stated, "We stronglyurge the King to utilize this opportunity and come to termsto restore democracy and foster a lasting peace in thecountry. We recommend that he invite the United Nations andother international agencies to facilitate the rapprochementbetween himself, the Maoists, the political parties and thepeople of Nepal. Should he ignore this opportunity, weforesee grave consequences to the democratic process."
Ina separate statement issued on Friday, November 25, 2005, anaffiliate of Nepal Study Center at the University of NewMexico, USA, Liberal Democracy Nepal (LDN) said that theunderstanding reached between the seven-party alliance andthe Maoists if earnestly implemented by both the parties,will bring a welcome relief for the Nepalis eager to live indemocracy and peace.
The statement said, "Now, the onusfor an immediate resolution of the conflict lies directlywith the King. The signatories of the agreement also have todo much work to earn the trust of the Nepali public who hasgrown skeptical about the sincerity of all the threeprotagonists. To that end, this 12-point agreement hasprovided hope for millions of Nepalis. We advise the King toshow similar courage. We strongly urge the King to utilizethis opportunity for reconciliation, and urgently restoredemocracy. The present agreement provides a window todemonstrate his sincerity in his often-repeated commitmentto multiparty democracy. We ask him to seize thisopportunity to help the country and to secure the futureexistence of monarchy. The King has an obligation to reversethe ill-advised move of February 1, 2005. The Royal regimeshould reciprocate the Maoist declaration of ceasefire andpave the way for the Nepali citizens to travel and conducttheir business in the country freely and without any fear.After so much violence, the Maoists need to work more to winthe trust of the people. They should extend their ceasefirefor an indefinite period and make a public announcement toreject violence. We ask the Maoists to have a definitivetimetable to dismantle their arms in the presence ofacceptable international agencies. Political parties shouldrecognize that without internal democracy, they would repeatthe past mistakes. They should adhere to policies that areinclusive of all groups of people in Nepal. They shouldbegin to develop a new Nepal that represents differentregions and different ethnicities. We ask them toimmediately implement steps to enhance internal democracy.All their public protests must be peaceful and avoid anydestruction of public property."
LDN has also urged allprotagonists, the king, the parties, and the Maoists toutilize this opportunity to restore democracy and serve theinterest of all Nepalis. LDN sincerely believes that thisunderstanding between the parties and the Maoist can usher anew era of democracy and peace in Nepal
US Ambassador toNepal, James F Moriarty held a meeting with Foreign MinisterRamesh, Nath Pandey at the latter's residence on Wednesday,November 23, 2005, and apprised him of the US support forthe recent understanding reached between the seven-partyalliance and the CPN (Maoist), and of his recent visit toNew Delhi. [16]
General Secretaryof the CPN-UML, Madhav Kumar Nepal held separate meetingswith Indian Ambassador to Nepal, Shiv Shankar Mukherjee,representative of the Swiss Government to Nepal, Dr Guntherand Israeli Ambassador to Nepal, Dan Stam at the CPN-UMLcentral office at Balkhu on Thursday, November 24, 2005. Theambassadors and the representative repeated their supportfor democracy, peace and protection of human rights in Nepalaccording to the CPN-UML. [17]
Leaders of theseven-party alliance said their movement for restoringdemocracy has entered a new phase with the signing of the12-point understanding with the Maoists. They said the newphase of the movement would decide everything including thefate of "any institution".
Speaking at a program held bythe Sambad Club in the capital, CPN-UML leader KP Sharma Olisaid, "We have now entered a phase of huge mass meetings andprotest rallies, as we know that autocratic rule getsstronger if we delay launching the final struggle. In thepast two days, our understanding with the Maoists hasreceived massive support from all sections of society. Thosereceiving commissions from arms trade and those who want tostrengthen autocracy have stood against the understanding.These people want to prolong the war for 20 moreyears."
Spokesperson for the Nepali Congress, KrishnaPrasad Sitaula said, "The understanding is an outcome of theparties' commitment to bailing the country out of armedconflict and autocracy. Maoists' commitment to coming withina democratic framework is itself a significant achievementfor the parties in the ongoing movement for restoration ofdemocracy. But the government termed it unnatural. Does itwant violence and murder to continue?"
Dr Narayan Khadkaof the Nepali Congress-Democratic (NC-D) said this was anopportunity for the Maoists to prove their stated commitmentto a lasting peace, democracy and human rights byimplementing the understanding sincerely. He suggested theparties remain cautious while reaching any agreement withthe Maoists.
Speaking at the Reporters' Club Nepal, NepaliCongress Treasurer, Mahantha Thakur said the Maoists'recognition of a peaceful movement as the only means topeace and democracy is a significant achievement for theparties. Treasurer Thakur added that if the monarchy stuckto its present role it would invite its own end.
NepalSadbhawana Party (Anandi Devi) Acting Chairman, Bharat BimalYadav, CPN-UML leader, Shankar Pokharel, NUTA President,Bhupati Dhakal and Nepal Student Union's leader, Gagan Thapasaid the understanding paved the way for absolutedemocracy
On Thursday, November 24, 2005, representativesof civil society also welcomed the 12-point agreementreached between the seven-party alliance and the Maoists asfollow:
Speaking at an interaction program, Dr Sundar ManiDixit said, "The Delhi talks between the Maoists andseven-party alliance are a beacon of peace. Since people'ssovereign rights will be guaranteed in the constitution tobe drafted through a constituent assembly, they will not bebetrayed and deceived again in the future."
Civil societyrepresentative, Himalaya Shumsher Rana said, "people willhave ownership in the new constitution to be framed by aconstituent assembly."
Prof Krishna Pokharel said, "Peoplehave the rights to decide on their destiny, so there is noalternative to promulgating a new constitution by aconstituent assembly."
Former justice, Krishna JungRayamaghi said, "If the third party flatly rejects theunderstanding forged by the other two, it will face a greatcatastrophe."
A coalition of over two dozen leading rightsgroups in the country, Defend Human Rights Movement-Nepalwelcomed the 12-point understanding between the seven-partyalliance and the CPN (Maoist).
In a statement issued andsigned by rights activists such as Subodh Raj Pyakurel, Dr.Gopal Krishna Shivakoti, Gauri Pradhan, ShobhakarBudhathoki, Ganga Kasaju and Shanta Lal Mulmi, they saidthat the understanding accepting democratic values and normsincluding multi-party democracy, civil liberties, humanrights and rule of law was a positive step. They also calledupon the concerned parties and the Maoists to implement theprovisions contained in the letter of understandinggenuinely and include the issue of respecting fundamentalhuman rights and defending humanitarian laws fully as amandatory condition in any political understanding to bereached in the future.
An organization of the Nepalis inthe US, Nepali Nationalist Organization (NNO) condemned therecently concluded deal between the CPN (Maoist) and theseven-party alliance. In a statement released by Presidentof the little-known NNO, Bishal Shah alerted all patriots toreject and fight against what he called "anti-nationalcriminal elements." In the statement, Mr. Shah said, "It isnot just the duty of our brave security personnel to defendthe nation rather the responsibility also falls upon theshoulders of all the patriots." Mr. Shah also urged theinternational community such as US, EU, and China all Hindusand Buddhists friends of India, to extend their friendlyhands to fight what it called the "Bin Laden of Nepal". Mr.Shah released the statement less than 24 hours after majorand reputed organizations of the Nepalis based in the USwelcomed the understanding reached between the seven-partyalliance and the Maoists to restore peace and democracy inthe country.
The political ground has shifted in Nepalwith the hammering out of a 12-point common agenda betweenmajor parliamentary parties and Maoist rebels, subsequentlyendorsed by UN secretary-general Kofi Annan. KingGyanendra's assumption of absolute power on February 1,leading to arrests of hundreds of political activists andthe curbing of civil liberties and media, has led manyNepalis to view the monarchy itself as the principalobstacle to resolving Nepal's crisis. The 12-pointunderstanding does not seek an abolition of the monarchy; itenvisages, however, a limited monarchy where the king'spowers are well defined and constitutional. It calls forelections for a constituent assembly, prior to which Maoistswill desist from violence and place their arms under thesupervision of a credible international agency like the UN.The deal involves compromises on both sides a the oppositionparties have agreed to the Maoist demand for a constituentassembly, while the Maoists, for the first time, haveindicated their willingness to operate within the parametersof a multiparty democracy. The impracticability of running afull-fledged Maoist regime in a small, landlocked countrylike Nepal may have dawned on cooler heads among Maoistleaders. King Gyanendra should look at the deal as offeringa way out of his predicament, otherwise he may be faced witha hardening alliance between political parties and Maoiststhat is in favor of doing away with the monarchy altogether.New Delhi appears to have played a behind-the-scenes role infacilitating the agreement. Many Nepalis see an Indian rolein perpetuating the monarchy for its own purposes. Onbalance, it is better to back democratic forces, withsuitable caveats in case the Maoists are not playing ball.An Indian role in ushering in democracy in Nepal would raiseIndia's profile in South Asia. [18]
On Friday, November25, 2005, at the press conference held to inform the publicabout the decisions of the Central Working Committee (CWC)meeting of his party, Acting President of the NC-D, GopalMan Shrestha said, "the political parties have not yetdecided to opt for a republican setup, thus leaving room forthe king and the palace in the 12-point accord. Now, we haveto see whether the palace will be sincere in resolving theexisting crisis by restoring peace and stability. If it doesnot play a positive role in this regard, constituentassembly elections will decide the fate of monarchy." Theseven-party alliance moved toward the understanding with theMaoists. Mr. Shrestha said. "It is because the palace'srigidity and refusal to review its stance." The CWC meetingconcluded on Thursday, November 24 reaching the conclusionthat the understanding reached between the seven-partyalliance and Maoists was a significant positive step towarda lasting peace and absolute democracy in the country. Itcalled upon Maoists to abide by the understanding.Spokesperson for the Party, Dr Minendra Rijal said politicalparties were asking Maoists to extend the unilateral trucebeyond its expiry date of December 3, 2005 as proof of theircommitment to peace and democracy.
At an interaction withintellectuals at the party office, Former Prime Minister andNepali Congress President, Girija Prasad Koirala said, "Theking is trying to continue violence and counter-violence toserve his interest of prolonging autocracy on any pretext.The recent understanding has created a new situation andhope of restoring peace and democracy in the country, butthere is a serious threat to it from the king. While theMaoists declared unilateral cease-fire the king stoodagainst it proving he was against restoration of peace. Theking's inability to capitalize on the ceasefire is risky forthe palace "
Regarding the monarchists' reaction to theunderstanding reached between the seven-party alliance andthe Maoists, President Koirala said that the seven partiesreached understanding with the Maoists focusing ondemocracy, peace, independence and national sovereignty; itwas not done in anybody's interest but in the interest ofall Nepalis; so, he urged the civil society andintellectuals to help in keeping the understanding intact.
In a statement, Rastriya Janashakti Party (RJP) Chairman,Surya Bahadur Thapa said, "The agreement has opened severalpossibilities. Among them, peace and democracy is one, whichis also the aspiration of the people and the nation. Itshould be taken positively but needs to be implemented asper the constitution." He also appreciated the Maoists'commitment to "peace and democracy". However, he cautionedthat the Maoists would live up to peace and democracy or notneed to be seen.
On Friday, November 25, 2005, speaking atthe face-to-face program held by the Reporters' Club Nepal,Former chairman of the Rajparishad (Privy Council) StandingCommittee, Dr Keshar Jung Rayamajhi acknowledged theparties-Maoist deal as a big achievement of initiative forestablishing peace; and said that the government should takeinitiative for making it result-oriented. He further saidthat it was time for the government to declare a ceasefire,and for reaching a similar deal with the king to resolve theongoing political crisis.
The BBC Nepali Service reportedthat Maoists Leader, Prachanda telling the BBC that theverdict of free and fair elections would be acceptable evenif it meant the retention of the monarchy if foreignelection monitors supervised elections. Talking to the BBCin his first ever radio interview [19], Mr. Prachanda saidthe rebels would reconsider their opposition on the monarchyif King Gyanendra agreed to the election for a constituentassembly. He said that the history showed the main obstacleto the cause of democratic aspirations of the masses and forthe cause of peace had been the monarchy. Let us see whatresponse we would get from the palace. Unlike in the past,Mr. Prachanda stopped using abusive language against theking.
The recent pact betweenpolitical parties and Maoist rebels in Nepal represents anamazing turn around in the troubled Himalayan kingdom. Justwhen everyone had given up on the future of Nepal'sfledgling democracy, it has received a unexpected boost withthe dramatic decision by the entire political spectrumincluding extremists in that country to join hands againstKing Gyanendra, with the purpose of restoring a democraticGovernment.
This emerging rainbow alliance bolstered bythe support of India as well as Western democracies hasalmost overnight pushed to the corner the Machiavellianmonarch who, just a few months ago, seemed to hold all thecards.
There are many political paradoxes in thisastonishing twist of events. The 12-point memorandum ofunderstanding between the Nepalese parties and the Maoistsis a unique document that underlines the unprecedentednature of what is happening in that country. Both sides haveconfessed to making mistakes in the past and made acommitment not to repeat them in the future.
This is nomere rhetorical posturing but involves huge shifts fromearlier positions held by the two sides. The politicalparties, many of whose leaders and cadre were killed andhounded out of their homes by the Maoists in their decadelong armed insurgency, have decided to forgive and forget.In their desperation to hit back at the monarch, mainstreampoliticians of Nepal belonging to different ideological huesare now ready to patch up with the extremists despite thebloodshed in the past.
In return, the Maoists too havemade huge conciliatory gestures. After a decade of armedrevolution, they appear ready to participate in electionsand representative democracy. More importantly, theextremists are no longer insisting on the abolition of themonarchy, which had made it difficult for them to functionlegitimately after the first democratic revolution in Nepal,one and a half decades ago. The 12-point memorandum ofunderstanding speaks of ending autocratic monarchy but issilent on turning the kingdom into a republic, indicatingthat the Maoists were now ready to live with a titularmonarchy.
However, the biggest concession from the rebelshas come in the shape of their acceptance of supervision bythe United Nations, or a similar international organization,to conduct a free-and-fair election as a first step towardsrestoring democracy and peace in Nepal.
This would havebeen unimaginable even a few months ago. Indeed, there isenough evidence to suggest that the political truce betweenthe parties and the Maoists was facilitated to a largeextent by the supportive role played by India along with theUnited States and the United Kingdom working in tandem witheach other.
This by itself is a major political paradox.For the past many years, the Maoists have been fiercelycritical of both India and the United States targeting themas 'imperialist enemies'. Yet, such are the compulsions ofgrassroots politics that ideological rhetoric has to bequickly abandoned when real political stakes areinvolved.
It is not the Maoists alone who have chosen toforget past prejudices and bugbears. Several of thepolitical parties who have now turned to India and theWestern powers for help not so long ago screamed from therooftops about the evil machinations of New Delhi andWashington.
Many of them were Left-wing parties openlyallied to China. They have now realized that when it came topreserving democracy in Nepal, Beijing had little to offer.As a matter of fact, it is a huge irony of history that boththe Maoists and the pro-Chinese Left-wing parties in Nepalwere ultimately forced to turn to India and the'imperialist' Western powers, instead of China, to fight anunscrupulous and autocratic monarch.
Similarly, both theUnited States and India has had to forget their own pastprejudices and obsolete perspectives on the Himalayankingdom. This is perhaps the first instance of Washingtoncovertly helping an alliance dominated by Leftists ofdifferent shades to fight a monarchy. For once, the BushAdministration has managed to make the correct choice in thename of democracy.
As for India, its quiet but steadysupport to the emerging democratic alliance in Nepal isevident from the fact that the 12-point memorandum wasactually signed here. Despite strong support for the monarchfrom sections of the Army and the political establishmentand fierce antipathy to the Maoists from the IntelligenceBureau, ultimately hard-headed diplomacy appears to havetriumphed - at least for the moment. Interestingly, even aMaoist upsurge in Bihar - where Naxalites have beenproactive in recent weeks - has not detracted, andjustifiably so, the course of Indian diplomacy in theregion.
Nine months ago, New Delhi was made to look veryfoolish when the Nepalese monarch, King Gyanendra, in anaudacious move snuffed out democracy in the kingdom on theeve of the SAARC summit. Taken aback by the king's gambit,the UPA (United Progressive Alliance) Government flounderedaround in the beginning but, to its credit, has steadily gotits act together over the past six months.
It has managedto coordinate diplomatic cooperation with the United Statesand other Western powers and, at the same time, initiatepolitical negotiations within Nepal. The decision to take afirm line with the Nepalese monarch should become easierwith departure of Natwar Singh, whose son is believed tohave been extremely close to the son-in-law and son of KingGyanendra.
There is little doubt that the monarch himselfis responsible, to some extent, for the success of thisunexpected rainbow coalition for the restoration ofdemocracy in Nepal. Ironically, in his attempt to becleverer by half, King Gyanendra has only managed toantagonize virtually every stakeholder in Nepal. In theprocess, he tightened the noose around not only his neck butalso the future of monarchy in that country.
Much woulddepend on the tact and maturity shown by the politicalprotagonists within Nepal - the mainstream parties and theMaoists - as well as India and the international communityin ensuring that this month's memorandum of understandinglays the foundation for a stable and viable democracy in thekingdom.
The success of this enterprise is not onlycrucial for Nepal's future but also of vital importance toIndia. If New Delhi, indeed, manages to pull this off, itwould be the first instance of India living up to itspotential of being a 'real' leader of the region. [20]
OnNovember 26, 2005, speaker of the dissolved House ofRepresentatives Taranath Ranabhat said to the journaliststhat the 12-understanding reached between the seven-partyalliance and the Maoists agreed to submit the country'sweapons to the third party going against the sovereignty andintegrity of the country [21]. It clearly indicatedthat he did not understand the contents of theunderstanding. The 12-party understanding stated theactivities of the Maoist militia and of the Royal Nepal Armyduring the elections for a Constitution Assembly would beplaced under the supervision of the UN or another credibleinternational agency for impartial holding of the elections.
The state-run newspaper 'The Rising Nepal' in itseditorial wrote: The so-called alliance between the sevenpolitical parties and the Maoists has drawn a lot of flak,and rightly so. The alliance is not only unlawful but alsounnatural. The alliance is viewed as a setback and has onlyserved to aggravate the quagmire that the country is nowsteeped in. This so-called equation is totally against thenorms and spirit of the Constitution of 1990, which isregarded as one of the best in the world. By forging analliance with the terrorists, the seven parities have showntheir true colors and to what extent they are willing to goto gain power. The government for its part is assessing thesituation and has condemned the alliance, terming it asunnatural. [22]
Maoist leaderPrachanda denied the involvement of India in facilitating arecent meeting of the rebels and the seven-party alliance,and in reaching their 12-point understanding for a jointfight for restoration of democracy. [23]
The 12-pointagreement between the parties and the Maoists has sealed thefate of the Nepalese monarch. As clearly outlined in the12-point agreement, the certainty of an end to the directrule is evident. The 12-Point agreement is simply analternative to proposed elections (municipal elections onFeb 8, 2006) that the seven-party alliance is unable toparticipate in for various reasons. The agreed upon path tofirst restore parliament, then form an all-party governmentand then hold "elections to a constituent assembly throughdialogue and understanding with the Maoists" is a ratherlong-winded plan. In a layman's terms, this amounts tokeeping the Maoists "hooked," the monarchy in "tow" andgiving the mainstream parties sufficient time to re-groupand re-establish contact with their rural electorate. Thekey objective of the agreement reached in Delhi is to enticethe Maoists to join the political mainstream by underminingthe Monarchy. [24]
OnMonday, November 28, 2005, issuing a press statement, theBritish Embassy in Kathmandu said, "We urge the King ofNepal to reach out to the political parties with a view tofinding an agreed way forward and an end to the conflict. Weshall be considering, with our European and otherinternational partners, the details of the announcementsmade by the political parties and the Maoists. If by thisagreement the Maoists commit to giving up violence and humanrights abuses in favor of democratic political settlementthen this is welcome news for the long suffering people ofNepal. As a sign of their good faith, we call on the Maoiststo extend their present ceasefire unconditionally to createthe right conditions for peace talks to resume."
Spokesmanfor the CPN-UML, Pradeep Nepal said, "The government istrying to intensify violence and unleash destructiveactivity to prolong autocracy, ignoring the sincere effortsof political parties and Maoists to restore peace in thecountry." He also said that the government would not be ableto resolve the conflict without addressing the rebels'demand.
On Saturday, November 26, 2005, speaking at afunction held by his party to exchange best wishes for peaceand democracy on the occasion of the Nepal Sambat (NepalCalendar) New Year 1126, CPN-UML General Secretary MadhavKumar Nepal said that the seven-party alliance would hold asecond-round dialogue with the Maoists in the "near future"to achieve the anticipated goal of resolving the decade-longarmed conflict and restoring a lasting peace and democracyin the country. "As there is no possibility of imposingautocracy after the restoration of peace and democracythrough the ending of the decade-long armed conflict, some'outdated sycophants of autocracy' have been threatening thepolitical parties with the terrorist tag," he said "No onewill be able to stop us from reaching the goal of resolvingthe existing conflict as long as we have support from theNepalese people and the international community. We areseeking support from the Nepalese people and theinternational community after coming to realize the natureof the autocrats in the country who will never support ourefforts to resolve the crisis. So all the people and thevarious organizations should come out onto the streetsagainst autocracy and support the political parties." [25]
On Saturday,November 26, 2005, speaking at a function, RPP ChairmanPashupati Shumsher Rana blamed the king for compelling theparliamentary forces to forge an alliance with the Maoistrebels. Chairman Rana said that the understanding reachedbetween the parties and the Maoists, was an outcome of theking's failure to reach out to the political parties forexploring a way out of the current problem.
On Tuesday,November 29, 2005, speaking to the party activists inBharatpur, Chitwan, Former Prime Minister and NepaliCongress President, Girija Prasad Koirala said the objectiveof the 12-point understanding with the Maoists is to bringan end to the autocratic regime, he said: "The dialogue withthe Maoists has not been complete yet; we will make it asuccess." Reacting to the government s allegation that thedialogue with the Maoists was held in a foreign country, hesaid, "I am ready to go anywhere, even hell, if it helps torestore peace in Nepal." [26]
Nepal's mainstream parties and theMaoists have reached agreement on a basic alliance againstthe monarchy. That they were talking was not new: all sideshave kept in contact throughout the ten-year-old conflict.But this time they have developed a serious agenda, whichoffers the framework of a peace deal. Their dialogue hadIndia's tacit backing and the deal was finalized at meetingsin New Delhi.
The agreement reflects some importantachievements: the Maoists have formally committed themselvesto joining a multiparty system and the mainstream partieshave signed up to a process of constitutional change. Eachside has recognized past mistakes and vowed not to repeatthem.
But many issues present challenges, which have onlybeen deferred. The Maoists reject the parties' call torestore the last parliament and the parties have notaccepted the rebels' republican agenda. Questions ofdisarmament, monitoring and future talks facilitation havebeen brushed over lightly. And it is not clear if the newalliance will hold out an olive branch to the king or try toforce him into submission.
The palace, which runs anembattled government, had tried to conceal its unease as thetalks went on but ministers have now gone on the offensiveagainst the new alliance. Conservative Nepali commentatorsand US diplomats had warned repeatedly of consequences ifthe parties did a deal with the Maoists. Some critics hopedthat the talks would fall apart or be derailed, but thetwelve-point November agreement has dramatically thoughnot yet irreversibly changed political realities.
Whyhave the parties and the Maoists done a deal? They havediffering political imperatives, and they have not changedtheir long-term goals, but there are some grounds forcompromise and both have realized that their own strength isnot enough to be decisive. The discussions have identified apossible structure for peace talks progressing viainterim arrangements to a constituent assembly anddisarmament but each issue raises its own problems.
Themechanics of dialogue are also far from straightforward.Although all sides had previously kept channels ofcommunication open, formal talks bring risks. Thisengagement has taken place more comfortably thanks toIndia's tacit endorsement.
However, the negotiators lackthe safety net of international legitimacy and openfacilitation. The Maoists are prepared and have a clearstrategy while the parties are still working out jointpositions.
Each side has been happy to publicize certaindetails but the text of the November agreement is thin andmeetings have necessarily been secretive. The Indians haveplayed their cards close to their chest and left even closeallies guessing about their intentions.
The parties'willingness to deal with the rebels has raised the stakesfor all players in the conflict. It has also brought newrisks. This is only a bilateral process; other crucialplayers notably the palace are excluded. The partiesare neither fully united nor well prepared and may concedetoo much too easily as bargaining progresses, while theMaoists retain their arms and could revert to a militaryapproach at any time or could use talks and a lose allianceto build a stronger urban base and squeeze the mainstreamparties in their last bastion. The November deal couldprompt a violent backlash if the palace feelsthreatened.
Nevertheless, the alliance presents newopportunities: the Maoists are acting under genuineimperatives and constraints and they are willing to offersignificant concessions; this is a chance to bring theMaoists into the mainstream while they are still united andcan bring their armed cadres with them; the dialogue hasalready led to a commitment in principle to disarm; thiscould be the best way of addressing broadly acceptable partsof the Maoist agenda without giving way on everything; andif managed carefully, the process could strengthen democracyand help address weaknesses in 1990 multiparty constitutionand the parties that have embodied it.
The ultimateoutcome of the talks process cannot be predicted but theloose party-Maoist alliance has created a new dynamic. Intheir first high-level face-to-face meeting, party leadersand the Maoists have forged a basic plan for joint actionagainst the monarchy. In the weeks to come this plan willtake more concrete shape, and discussions will move to asecond stage.
A range of factors will then affect theapproaches of both sides. Internal tensions and calculationsof personal advantage may be particularly debilitating forthe mainstream parties. As always, both sides will bewatching other domestic and international forces andadjusting course accordingly.
The king, keen to bolsterhis own power, still has cards to play. The talks may not inthemselves lead to a new peace process but they offer thebest hope of breaking Kathmandu's political impasse. [27]
OnTuesday November 29, 2005, Former Prime Minister andRastriya Janashakti Party Chairman, Surya Bahadur Thapainsisted on the king to emerge from the circle of hiscronies and aligned with the democratic forces with a senseof urgency to end the current crisis in the country. "Thereis still chance for the current regime to work for peace anddemocracy without any prejudice," said Thapa, "Thissituation occurred due to the king's refusal to reach out tothe parties, which had a soft corner for the king." Hefurther stated that the king should not tighten his grip ondemocratic rights of the people with the support of someKathmandu-based sycophants. "Such sycophants were activejust before the end of the Rana and Panchayati regimes too.But none of them were able to protect the regime at the timeof political change." [28]
Speaking at aninteraction organized by Loktantrik Student Society, NC-Dspokesperson, Dr Minendra Rijal said that the understandingreached between the political parties and the Maoists wouldbe in serious trouble if the Maoists needed to break off theceasefire due to the palace's non-response to it. Then, theking would be responsible for further bloodshed in thecountry. The king cannot anymore justify 'terrorism' as anexcuse for holding onto power once the Maoists declared aceasefire.
Human rights activists urged both theseven-party alliance and the Maoists to genuinely put the12-point understanding in practice giving no chance to thegovernment for disrupting it. Speaking at an interactionprogram on the civil society's concern over theunderstanding reached between the seven-party alliance andthe Maoists held by the Human Rights Alliance, human rightsactivist Krishna Pahadi, Citizen's Solidarity for PeaceMember, Dr Mathura Prasad Shrestha, General Secretary ofNepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities, Dr Om Gurung,and Women's Security Pressure Group Member, Sarada Pokhrelsaid that each and every person should support the partiesto restore peace and democracy in the country. They alsourged the Maoists to extend the unilateral ceasefire thatends on December 3, 2005 to find a logical and peacefulresolution to the political conflict. They charged thegovernment for standing in the way to peace and democracynot responding to the unilateral ceasefire declared by theMaoists, and to the recent political developments inbringing the Maoists into mainstream politics.
So far, theking did not see any merits in the 12-point understandingreached between the seven-party alliance and the Maoists. Heis betting the crown on the municipal elections - thepolitical game played against the opposition parties and theMaoists. Failure to win the game might cost him the crown hehas been wearing since June 2001, and to Nepalis loss ofmany beautiful lives. There is an all-out undeclared warbetween the king and the political parties fighting forpeace and democracy. In order to win this war, the king'sgovernment has been following the self-destructive policy ofrepression. The Rana administration perpetra
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